Thursday, May 23, 2013

Darwin’s Free Market Wisdom

Charles Darwin has never drifted far from political or scientific discussion. Over the decades, his book “The Origin of Species” has been both widely embraced and condemned, and worse, largely oversimplified.

Findings from two recent studies centered on some of Darwin’s most fundamental theories, however, tell us the world is vastly more complicated than the black and white lens many view it through.

Recent genetic tests in Paris appear to suggest flaws in Darwin's "tree of life" model which attempts to explain the interrelationship between organisms. Conversely, new research at the University of Toronto Scarborough (UTSC) appears to validate Darwin's belief that diversity among species promotes productivity...

Read Brandon's full column at Washington Times Communities
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Wednesday, May 22, 2013

Sacha Gervasi's 'Hitchcock'

Alfred Hitchcock is back in all his enigmatic and suspenseful glory. Well, kind of. In the star-studded biopic “Hitchcock,” director Sacha Gervasi (see the wonderful film “Anvil: The Story of Anvil”) brings the arduous making of “Psycho” to cinematic life in a straightforward yet spookily pleasant new comedy-drama surely to amuse the curious and depraved, as well as resurrect the age old inquiry: is Hollywood too bureaucratic?

The film, based on the non-fiction book “Alfred Hitchcock and the Making of Psycho” by screenwriter Stephen Rebello, depicts Hitchcock in a much friendlier light than HBO’s recent television production “The Girl” portraying him as a neurotic, sex-starved deviant...

Read Brandon's full review at Washington Times Communities.
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Tuesday, May 14, 2013

Werner Herzog’s ‘Happy People’

For more than 40 years, Werner Herzog has been directing some of cinema’s most compelling films and documentaries. From “Fitzcarraldo” (1982) which literally entails cast members dragging a ship across a mountain to the award winning “Grizzly Man” (2005) which documents Timothy Treadwell as he spends 13 summers living with bears before ultimately being eaten alive, Herzog has consistently careened the limits in unconventional but beautiful ways.

Herzog’s newly released DVD box set, which features 27 of his films dating back to 1962, and new DVD release of his latest documentary “Happy People: A Year in the Taiga” remain faithful to that tradition....

Read Brandon's full review at Washington Times Communities.

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Tuesday, April 30, 2013

Bush’s Overlooked Legacy: Blacks, Hispanics, and Women

Last week all five living presidents, George H. Bush, Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, and George W. Bush, gathered together to unveil the new George Bush Presidential Library and Museum. The moment marked President Bush emerging back into the public spotlight after time spent below the radar, developing the Bush Foundation with wife Laura, working with children in Africa and encouraging cooperative business alliances between women living in third-world countries.

But while much of the media attention surrounding the library opening centered on Bush’s more controversial decisions and moments, like the war on terror and Hurricane Katrina, Bush’s chief accomplishments and contributions seemed to slip below the public and media radar.

Among those are his appointment of America’s first black Secretary of State, first Black female Secretary of State, and first Hispanic Attorney General...

Read Brandon's full column at Washington Times Communities
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Monday, April 8, 2013

Free Markets Mean A Freer Working Class

The late Chicago economist Milton Friedman argued there is a vital interrelationship between political and economic freedom. He deviated from his Austrian colleagues on monetary policy, but he was undeniably correct in this assertion.

No matter how hard, for example, the People’s Republic of China strives to put its economy on a market footing, the people of China will never know the taste and feel of freedom like their brothers to the east know it because China still remains a one-party state. Professor of Political Economy Yasheng Huang recently expounded on this in his essay “Democratize or Die” in February’s issue of Foreign Affairs.

Free markets don’t just promote political freedom as Friedman suggested; they also promote volunteerism as Murray Rothbard argued, concord as Frédéric Bastiat argued, and choice as Thomas Sowell has argued, among a whole host of other vital sociological fundamentals important to enjoying everyday life...

Read Brandon's full column at Washington Times Communities.

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Friday, February 22, 2013

The Free Market Origins Of Hip Hop

Hip hop is not just music. It’s a culture. It includes dance, apparel, perfumes, jewelry, cinema, radio, television, books, magazines, and even beverages. That is, there are very few trades that hip hop hasn’t touched. And while hip hop’s lifeblood may be the complex grouping of rhythms, beats, vocals, tones, and lyrics, it was abetted at every stage by the free market.

Twenty-four million people around the world listen to hip hop each day. A half-million people see hip hop live in concert each month. And 28 million people purchase hip hop in stores each year. It is a $10 billion dollar industry and growing...

Read Brandon Loran Maxwell’s full essay at The Foundation For Economic Education.
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Thursday, November 29, 2012

Inquiry Into The Nature of a Hero

Heroes aren’t molded they are etched -- fashioned by endeavor -- born of resolution’s unholy dalliance with circumstance. They are mortals who, in the foreboding face of destitution, unearth the valor to rise to the unforgiving moment. They are angels whose optimism illuminates the forgotten aspirations of desperate men and waning servants.

Over the course of mankind’s cruelly longwinded existence, heroes have ascended from an assortment of pallet boards -- assemblages doggedly wedded to no particular color, creed, age, or sex.  But while the precise nature and composition of a hero may be as marvelous and innumerable as the smoldering stars showered across our companionless galaxy. One distinguishing denominator accentuates the determinations and objectives of them all: the pursuit of liberty.

Undoubtedly, this praiseworthy pursuit has complimented some of America’s greatest protagonists. Heroes such as Genevieve Clark, Lydia Chapin, Frances Wright, Ernestine Rose, Lucretia Mott, Margaret Fuller, Susan B. Anthony and Maria Stewart, all toiled tirelessly in the name of social and economic equality -- the right to speak in public and the right to cast a ballot. Sojourner Truth rallied for, among other things, freedom to take part in the market revolution.

Frederick Douglass, in his unquenchable thirst for liberty, actually failed to escape the dreadful and depraved void of human bondage twice before finally succeeding in 1838 and eventually finding refuge in New York, then later Massachusetts. Consequently, he would be condemned to a dejected lifetime of evading roving “man-hunters” -- contemptible men whose primary aim was to hunt down runaway slaves.

But instead of capitulating to the abyss of obstruction or discouragement, Douglass courageously engaged the treacherous task before him, and did so with nerve and sophistication. Not only did he recognize that with tragedy emanates opportunity. He utilized his situation to sit down and brilliantly pen one of the most poetic and influential anti-slavery odes the world has ever known, The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. 

History has illustrated that it is not uncharacteristic or beneath heroes to band together to sustain moral strength under conjoint motives and causes. Suffragist, Angelina Grimke, once insightfully inscribed on the loathsome institution of human bondage:

“Since I engaged in the investigation of the rights of the slave, I have necessarily been led to a better understanding of my own; for I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be…the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other [reform] enterprise…Here we are led to examine why human beings have any rights. It is because they are moral beings.”

Likewise, Frederick Douglass would reflect on the women’s suffrage movement and poignantly observe:

“When the true history of the Anti-Slavery cause shall be written, women will occupy a large space in its pages; for the cause of the slave has been peculiarly women's cause.”

It is in this heroic nature of inclusion that effective social undertakings have transpired, matured, and succeeded. We saw this in 1930 as Mohandas Gandhi bravely marched 241 miles to the sea with close to 100 activists at his side in protest of Britain’s occupation of India. We saw it again in 1963 as Martin Luther King Jr. brought close to a quarter million protesters to the streets of Washington D.C. to rally for equality, masterfully delivering his famous “I Have a Dream” speech.

It is, of course, not uncommon in light of today’s cold and despondent world to encounter skeptics -- meet bystanders -- naysayers who, in their pessimism, idol, inquire, and murmur: “Where are today’s heroes?” “Have we no Gandhi?” “Have we no Martin Luther King Jr.?” “Surely we are doomed.”

But such attitudes are not the work of minds competently familiar with the potency of freedom or the thunderous riverbanks of autonomy. Rather, they are the works of subservient predispositions -- the merchandise of minds meandering the rigid skies of moral malfunction and deprivation. Indeed, heroes live today, just as they did at any other time in history.

14-year-old Malala Yousufzai is one such example. After advocating women’s education in Pakistan, young Malala was systematically hunted down and shot twice -- once in the head and once in the neck -- by a Taliban gunman for promoting “obscenity.” Yet, in spite of her attempted assassination, Malana has continued to robustly condemn the oppressive nature of her government and culture and passionately demand women’s rights from her hospital bed. Is this not heroism?

None of this, of course, serves to naively suggest that liberty’s interpretation comfortably lounges or subsists undisputed. On the contrary. To some, liberty exemplifies deliverance, emancipation, alleviation; while to others, liberty embodies justice, truth, and righteousness; and still to others, liberty denotes all of the above, stalwartly void of distinction or ideological favor.

But while one might not, for example, equate the governmental antidotes offered by, say, Friedrich Engels to the systemic remedies presented by, say, Lysander Spooner. It would be brutishly improvident to affront or overlook the role of either man to their respective audiences who, to the contempt of one, but delight of another, considers the flamboyant sponsor of their imaginings and ambitions an inspiration and hero.

And so the question inevitably arises: In a world where one hero is seemingly pitted against another, where do we -- those of us that advocate a free and liberal society -- fall?

The answer is none-too-complex: We don’t fall. Instead, we rise. We become heroes ourselves. We familiarize ourselves with the extraordinary circumstances that surround us every day. We understand that it is up to us to engage the occasion -- to set the example -- and to demonstrate the courage to become the inspiration, rather than idol and lethargically await inspiration. We understand that it takes an army of heroes to beat an army of heroes.

And only after we have done this will we have gained a better understanding of the true nature of a hero.

Brandon Loran Maxwell. This essay first appeared at Students For Liberty, and subsequently Hip Hop Republican.
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Monday, October 29, 2012

Book Review: "Day of Empire" by Amy Chua

For centuries, civilizations have risen and civilizations have fallen -- some by the despotic winds of external forces, others by the internal cancer of their own apparatus. But of the civilizations that have resonated longest and strongest, Professor Amy Chua asserts in her book, Day of Empire, one single trait spans them all: Tolerance.

Chua’s thesis commences examining the Achaemenid Empire, arguing that in 550 BC when Cyrus the Great, grandson of Astyages, overthrew Astyages as ruler of the Median kingdom, it wasn’t by way of cultural imposition, but rather clemency and broadmindedness. In fact, according to Chua, Cyrus, unlike other rulers of the time, actually preferred little to do with the personal lives of his subjects, writing that “[he] interfered very little…leaving them their gods and their desperate cultures.” Indeed, when Cyrus annexed the city of Babylon, he even paid homage to the god Marduk, demonstrating respect for the Babylonian people.

Acknowledging the success of his father’s methodology, Cambyses, upon assuming the Achaemenid Empire, adopted a comparable philosophy. He not only refrained from “imposing Persian culture” on Egyptians after conquering Egypt, but he permitted Egypt’s culture to remain integral, subsequently allowing himself to become “Egyptianized” in the process.

The Achaemenid Empire isn’t the only civilization Chua contends benefited from tolerance, though. Chua surveys a number of former great societies, including China’s Tang Dynasty, The Mongol Empire, and Rome, and observes that while Rome may have territorially fallen short of The Achaemenid Empire, it idealistically mirrored Persia in respects to its citizenry producing the same favorable outcome: longevity. Rome for example, in its prime, was home to upwards of 60 million people, various languages, and a plethora of a literature, science and art. It was -- to say -- all-encompassing and tolerant, precisely what Chua argues fueled the “glory of Rome,” which handedly stretched thousands of years, far longer than those societies that rejected tolerance.

Moreover, to become an emperor in Rome, one needn’t even be born in Rome. Emperor Trajan, for example, was a native of Spain, as was his successor, Hadrian. Suffice it to say, Rome learned from Greece’s shortfalls. Greece not only promoted segregation, but reaped internal war and conflict as a result -- an astute examination made by Emperor Claudius, who once asked, “What else was the downfall of Sparta and Athens, than that they held the conquered in contempt as foreigners?”

As Rome did with Greece, the Tang Dynasty also learned from the mistakes of its fragmented predecessors. In effect, after Li Yuan (also known as Gaozu) conquered the Sui, it sought to create and expand military alliances rather than additional conflict. In a stunning display of humility and respect, Gaozu even used the character qi in a letter to formally address the Turkic ruler -- a character typically reserved for superiors. Tang military success was also largely a result of integrating and incorporating “foreigners.”

Similarly, the Mongol Empire too utilized an all-inclusive military strategy, unifying various clans, sects, and cultures all across Eastern Europe and Asia with the sole purpose of obtaining hegemonic dominance. Indeed, prior to Genghis’ conjoint tactics there was no Mongol Empire, but rather merely various unorganized bands of competing Mongol clans. Yet, by the height of Genghis’ rein, more land fell under the Mongol Empire than any other Empire before or since. And while the Mongol Empire was certainly known for its brutality towards the unwilling, it extended a surprisingly liberal amount of tolerance towards those cooperatively under its reign -- even embracing intermarriage.

Chua goes on to cite numerous societal examples of cultural inclusivity and tolerance -- as well as the benefits that permeated as a result -- from early Spain to the economically explosive Dutch; however, is equally swift to recognize those societies that haven’t flourished, while successively hypothesizing causation. Spain, after the Spanish Inquisition becomes a searing example. According to Chua, early Spain’s successful expansion, in part, was due to its religious tolerance and ability to incorporate Jews, Muslims, and Christians.

However, by 1478, as the Spanish Inquisition commenced, religious tolerance was replaced by a number of decrees mandating Jews and Muslims convert to Catholicism or face reprisals. In other words, Spain’s self-destructive seed was only planted after “the Spanish monarchy…officially embraced intolerance.” Likewise, the British Empire, which industrially thrived preceding the integration of Jews, Huguenots, and Scots in 1689, met its fate after failing to note the successful tactics of The Achaemenid Empire. That is to say, as the British Empire expanded and conquered, it did not permit the various cultures under its umbrella to flourish, but rather “alienated its colonies and fomented intolerance” -- ultimately fomenting its decline.

Chua ensues dissecting the contemporary world, in particular, the United States, citing Thomas Jefferson, who once wrote, “[I]t does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket not breaks my leg.” Principally, Chua attributes the U.S.’s rise to hyperpower, despite commanding only 5 percent of the world’s population, to its “human capital” and religious tolerance. The Puritans, for example, who fled Europe because of religious persecution, viewed New England as a beacon of religious freedom and liberation.

Equally, according to Chua, roughly 95 percent of Americans today can trace their heritage to someone from another country. Suffice it to say, the U.S. indeed is still a nation comprised of immigrants and immigrant descendants. Moreover, America’s relatively tranquil assimilation process has facilitated the U.S. in garnering resources and talents from across the globe, while simultaneously helping mold it into a world leader of technology and innovation. Chua cautions, however, that America risks echoing the faults of its hegemonic predecessors by becoming complacent and intolerant, and overlooking what made America successful to begin with. Chua employs America’s hyperbolic rhetoric and politicization of immigration as merely one dangerous example.

Ultimately, Chua doesn’t just peg The United States as the first “nation of immigrants” and first “mature democracy,” but asserts that a measure of dissent is important, albeit vital, to the resonance of a liberal American society -- arguing that for this reason authentic “enlightenment” may never be achievable.

And while Chua accentuates the concept of tolerance as a means to a society’s successful hegemony, even stating herself that, “To achieve not regional but world dominance, a society must attract, command the loyalty of, and motivate the world’s most valuable human capital.” Chua’s repeated employment of the notion of tolerance is likely, and more importantly, intended to underscore the plethora of societal advantages made possible only by way of the application of tolerance -- a challenge to which Chua masterfully meets via historical exemplar.

Brandon Loran Maxwell.
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Of Angels and Monsters: America's Costly Prison System

Within seven days of reading this more than 10,000 prisoners will have been discharged from the venomous abyss of state imprisonment back into society. And within 36 months of reading this more than 50 percent of them will have returned.  

Quite simply, for many, despite a genuine wish to reintegrate, the stigma of having one’s entire life paraphrased into one five letter word—felon—proves too powerful to overcome. Apartments decline to rent. Jobs refuse to hire. And politicians—quite possibly the only other species as detested and abhorred as felons—regularly designate felons as “pull lever in case of political emergency” scapegoat.  

Indeed, few crass categorizations more effectively doom one to an insufferable lifetime of appraisal and public condemnation. I was recently reminded of this by Florida GOP Chair, Lenny Curry, who stated he believes a government panel ought to decide which former felons are permitted to vote and which ones aren’t. On Hardball with Chris Mathews he even went so far as to suggest that felons should have to “apply” to vote.

But I can’t help but find Mr. Curry’s position paradoxical. On one hand he is a Republican that presumably detests bureaucracy. Yet on the other he believes bureaucracy is the picturesque solution to his non-existent—desperately contrived—problem. 

Considerably more disturbing, though, is that Curry’s mindset appears to be indicative of a broader national trend. That is, a number of states have now embarked on a voyage to make it harder for former convicts—despite having already fulfilled their debts to society—to re-gain voting rights. 

Drugs, fiscal responsibility, and mandatory minimum sentencing

It’s no coincidence voting rights have suddenly come under fire in the midst of a hotly contested presidential race. According to The Bureau of Justice more than half of the prison system population is comprised of African Americans and Latinos. 

But a much larger problem looms, namely due to mandatory minimum sentencing laws advocated over the years by “tough on crime” Republicans. According to the ACLU, the U.S. has now become home to more than 2.3 million prisoners—roughly 1 out of every 100 Americans—spectacularly dwarfing the prison population of every other nation in the world, including Russia, China, and Iran. 

Nowhere has the judicial system’s failure been more evident than when it comes to the drug war and mandatory minimum sentencing. My home state, Oregon, is a tragic example. According to the Bureau of Justice of Statistics, Oregon expends $87.22 a day and $31,837 a year to house a single inmate and currently houses more than 14,000 inmates. This equates to more than $1,414 per household every two years. 

What’s more, Oregonians pay $225 million annually in order to operate Oregon’s rehabilitative programs which have a 10% recidivism rate, but pay $1.34 billion annually to operate Oregon’s prisons which have a 28% recidivism rate—a rate almost 20% higher.

The fiscal fiasco, however, extends far beyond the eccentric margins of “Portlandia.” All-in-all, state, local, and federal governments across the country spend a combined $68 billion annually to keep America’s prison business thriving, $50 billion alone of which is used to enforce drug prohibition.

America wasn’t always in the business of “lock ‘em up and throw away the key,” though. According to Tim Lynch, director of the Cato Institute’s Project on Criminal Justice, “In 1981, only 22 percent of federal inmates were drug prisoners. Today, 60 percent are drug prisoners.”

No such thing as “too far gone”

To typecast the convicted felon is most certainly a dolefully shallow exploit. One might be surprised to learn just how many souls have yet to waft beyond the pale. There are also a vast number of sentencing anomalies and prosecutorial abuses within the justice system—discrepancies that a significant portion of society continues to stubbornly refuse to acknowledge, much less remedy. Indeed, the American justice system, despite its name, is ripe with injustices that plunge like rotten apples on both sides of the judicial fence.

This is not to suggest that individuals aren’t accountable or liable for their actions. They are. Responsibility, indeed, is a vital condition of a free society. But at what juncture does punishment supersede the crime and subsequently—intentionally or not—render rehabilitation entirely inept?

According to a survey conducted by The Bureau of Justice Statistics, an estimated 49,000 inmates—roughly 9.6 percent of the overall prison population—has been sexually victimized. Another 21 percent are physically assaulted every 6 months. In fact, abuse is so common within the prison system that, as one scholar nonchalantly phrased it, it’s merely “part of the prison experience.”

So is it any wonder why more than half of all prison and jail inmates suffer from depression or other mental health problems? Is it any wonder why 32 percent of all deaths within the jail system can be attributed to suicide? Can one plausibly expect to send a young first time offender into a prison full of lions and emerge a lamb? Clearly, a decision must be made as to whether the goal of the state is to generate accountability and rehabilitation, or disfigure and maim. 

Some are fortunate enough to live in a state that reinstates voting rights. Millions across the United States, however, not only never receive their voting rights back, but never receive any life back at all. Consequently, these millions are often doomed to a revolving door, frequently at the expense of taxpayers.

These aren’t monsters asking for a handout. Nor are they angels entitled to special consideration. They are merely Americans asking—often begging—to be treated again like humans after having successfully fulfilled their debts to society. 

Is that too much to ask?

Written by Brandon Loran Maxwell. This blog also appeared at StudentsForLiberty.org.
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Notes From An American Prisoner: An Ode To Fyodor Dostoevsky

I am a loving man, soulless by disposition; a forgiving man, vindictive by circumstance. I am an innocent man, but I am a monster. Another might say I am two men, or even say I am no man at all. But what another says is of little consequence.  

Do I believe good exists in the world? Not proportionately to the injustices of the world. I admit, however, of the good that does exist, I have experienced very little, and understand even less.

Guilty! Pack ‘em in like sardines. Place ‘em on the back burner for a seven-year stint. Just let our children pick up the mess come release date. That is what fuels the sheep I count.

Admittedly I live one tyrannical hour at a time because anything more is a trivial pursuit, a hypothetical ship docked on Generality Island. That you will probably never understand, though. 

                  What? What do you mean you’re not rehabilitated? You freeze all night, starve all day -- get raped in the showers -- and you’re still not fixed? Something must be wrong with you.

                  Guilty! Seven more years ought a do the trick. Maybe our children’s children will have better luck. Better yet, maybe we need another prison -- where’s that Senator who owes me a favor? It’s so damn expensive to consult my conscience these days -- why bother.

I am a man without a name because an eight-digit number suits me perfectly. Indeed, I live a simple life, here, comfortably, in the palm of the state. It’s kind of like a vacation -- if your idea of retreat is Dante’s Inferno.

Sure, I used to care about identity, individuality -- but those cares have long since adjourned. “Before your mother was born,” as McCartney might say. Is he still around?  

They say when you’re exposed to something for too long, you become desensitized -- so now I beg the judge to keep me. I live here and I’ll die here. Anything more is just a fairytale, a figment of incarceration. And surely I am stronger than that -- right?

I used to work at a little movie theatre on the corner not far from here. It’s not there anymore so don’t look for it. I loved the solitude. But I loathed the decline of American cinema. They don’t make ‘em like they used to. 

I used to watch On the Waterfront over and over again. I could relate to Brando. He told it like it was. “You don't understand. I coulda had class. I coulda been a contender. I coulda been somebody, instead of a bum, which is what I am.” Nobody said it quite like Brando -- not even Bogart.

I used to hate it when customers came to the counter asking for popcorn. Most of the time, I managed to muster up a passible smile. But inside I secretly fantasized about gouging their eyes out.  

Their eyes would almost certainly serve a more purposeful existence on the black market somewhere -- perhaps in India -- in the skull of “a thinker,” a Maharishi. Besides, Brando wouldn’t have stood for this type of nonsense. Why should I?

Sometimes I feel like Norma Desmond in Sunset Boulevard. The entire world has changed to color, yet here I am still living in black and white -- lounging in the past. Thus, I am fairly apathetic.

Admittedly I was lying just now when I said “I feel like Norma Desmond.” Perhaps I did it out of dejection -- who really knows. A conversation is just nice to engage in sometimes. Moreover, as we do not have much in common, one of us must lie to keep the conversation going -- don’t you agree? 

The anticipatory footsteps of my neighbor serenade me every evening just before dinner, almost like a lullaby.  He has very little space to walk, but he walks proudly. Maybe it’s the hunger. Maybe not. The body will do strange things to a man -- a loving man, soulless by disposition; a forgiving man, vindictive by circumstance.

You must imagine, undoubtedly, freedom-lovers, that I want to amuse you. But you are mistaken. I can tell you earnestly that I have many times tried to become a good person. But I am not equal to the task. 

Good cannot exist in a man of meager but ambitious means. That is, a man in the twentieth-century must, and morally ought to be, preeminently a soulless creature. 

Written by Brandon Loran Maxwell. 
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Friday, September 14, 2012

The Libertarian Propensity for Self-Mastication: Learning from Machiavelli

It seems counterintuitive that a voter, given opportunity to choose between a truth and a falsehood, would calculatingly select a falsehood. Nonetheless, every presidential election, that’s exactly what 99 percent of voters do. Thus, it would seem suitable to, after 41 years since the Libertarian Party’s inception, soberly query why the party still brilliantly fails to harvest broader public support than the habitual 1 percent.

It’s easy to get romantically swept away by the fervent crowds and revolutionary bombast of a systematized, even impromptu, campaign rally. But as Ron Paul has had to ascertain the difficult way, political reality is another beast. That is, had Ron Paul’s crowds been a genuine indicator of sociopolitical headway, he would have carted far more delegates than he did.

But the art of politics is much more.

The Message

The highest percentage a libertarian presidential candidate has ever garnered during a general presidential election is 1.6 percent — Ed Clark in 1980. One might appropriately assume that in the 30 years since, the vote has been augmented — but it hasn’t. What’s more, it’s actually declined. Which beckons the question: At what point do libertarians concede they have a message problem?
Reform Party Candidate Ross Perot

Even Ross Perot — a candidate for the Reform Party — managed to carry 19 percent of the national popular vote during his presidential run in 1992. To parallel, Ron Paul carried a derisory 0.04 percent of the popular vote in 2008. So can libertarianism really laud itself as America’s third largest and most popular ideology?

This is not to suggest that the nuts and bolts of the libertarian message are wrong. They are not. But it is to suggest that the lacquer on the nuts and bolts of the libertarian message is wrong. And the quicker libertarians appreciate, accede, and remedy this, the quicker and more effectively libertarians can commence promulgating their agenda.

Too often, libertarians have a propensity to sneer and patronize — to overly philosophize and to ultimately drown themselves in the semantics of an otherwise trivial pursuit. Instead of searching for areas of agreement with a Republican that, for instance, expresses admiration for a president like Abraham Lincoln, many libertarians would immediately seize the opportunity to deride Lincoln as a war criminal and a barbarian, in turn, driving an otherwise potential convert away.

Even I am not exempt from this flaw. But such an approach hasn’t worked for the past 40 years and there’s no reason to assume it’s going to work now. There is always a time and place for engaging in such fascinating discussions. Meeting somebody the first time is generally not that time or place.

Libertarians would similarly do well to divorce themselves from conspiratorial jesters and movements. Theatrical and rhetorical buffoonery does libertarianism no favors. It only impairs and tarnishes libertarianism in the realm of public perception. Equally, it hinders consequential political discourse in the greater political arena.

Moreover, when national unemployment is 8.1 percent, libertarians should be edifying the public and orating free-market economics — libertarianism’s noblest suit — not ranting about thermite. Indeed, conspiracy theories are a scourge to libertarianism and its circles.

To its credit, Students For Liberty has been a leader in the libertarian community on this front. But more organizations and prominent libertarians should speak out; that is, if the end goal is to secure libertarianism as a viable and credible ideology.

Strategy

It is understandable why the initial inclination of most libertarians is to reject the doctrines of Machiavelli. It is, after all, Machiavelli’s philosophies which have been used to empower governments and politicians, thus subjugating entire populaces for centuries.

But libertarians would be politically and strategically shrewd to examine and comprehend books like The Prince. Machiavelli’s “the ends justify the means” needn’t merely empower governments, it can, likewise, be used to empower and disseminate liberty. Furthermore, since libertarians often do not understand such tactics, they merely make themselves available for the same tactics to be employed against them.

Rand Paul is a subtle example of “the ends justify the means” theory. When Rand Paul endorsed Mitt Romney, he was derided and belittled, castigated as a modern day Benedict Arnold by libertarians. However, his message at the GOP convention reached an audience of 33 million, far greater than his father who spoke to 8,000 in the Sun Dome.

Suffice it to say, Rand — while perhaps not as libertarian as his father — realizes, unlike his father, that the game of football is rarely won with a single 100 yard pass, but instead, the laborious process of pushing the ball forward one yard at a time. Many libertarians, on the other hand, don’t realize this.

Subsequently, libertarians are, most of the time, not standing for principle, but merely running in circles, nonsensically pottering in the self-mastication of their own objectives. Even the Declaration of Independence and the U.S. constitution were results of compromises between the individuals that drafted them.

The good and the perfect

There is a war between the good and the perfect taking place within the libertarian ideology. There are those that believe change must come in the form of one giant conspicuous storybook swoop. And there are those who believe that sustainable change must come in the form of practical and subtle increments.

For forty years we’ve tried the former to frivolous avail. It’s time we entertained the latter.

Written by Brandon Loran Maxwell. This blog post originally appeared at StudentsForLiberty.org

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Thursday, August 23, 2012

Occupy: The Great Unenlightened Rebellion

Contrary to left-wing embellishment, Occupy is neither avant-garde, nor debonair -- but rather, an intellectually dejected and insolvent cultural miscarriage; a systematized parade of profound ignorance and unenlightened rebellion. It is, to say the least, a civic mortification.

Moreover, Occupy’s economically inept and directionless crusade has been permitted to freely swill from the troughs of public patience and expense for almost 12 painful and protracted months, despite wholly failing to formulate a single cohesive message, let alone any substantive solutions.  Instead, in a deficient and colorfully muddled conception of corporatism and capitalism, this throng of Zuccotti trust-fund babies, along with their opportunistic unionized protégés, has only debilitated and discredited the legitimate need for sober and enlightened discussion.

Indeed, the perverse transformation of discourse has been dizzying to suggest the least. In a mere matter of months, dialogue has gratuitously morphed from whether government should be engaging in preferential corporate treatment — the very antithesis of a free market — to unabashed demands for free education, free healthcare, and free jobs after college graduation. All of which haven’t the slightest to do with corporate cronyism. Others have gone so far as to demand guaranteed living wages “regardless of employment.”

The true tragedy of this angst-laden Occupy movement, however, hasn’t been its overly disseminated meltdown, but rather the disingenuous maiming of the very 99 percent it has arrogantly proclaimed to personify. Ripe with rapes, assaults, drug overdoses, and murders, Occupy has deplorably and disgracefully hindered hundreds of small business owners across the U.S., who, by no fault of their own, have spontaneously found their small businesses submerged at the bottom of Occupy’s populist cesspool.

Furthermore, Occupy has intimidated scores of additional hard-working, middle-class employees from attending jobs, while coercing scores of others to spend their valuable time mapping out alternative work routes in order to avoid the unruliness and minimize any potential confrontation.

Sympathizers and naïve adherents would have Americans believe that the Occupy protests are, in fact, friendly to a free market and affable to capitalist ideals. Protester actions, though, have diametrically illustrated otherwise. Occupy’s antics late last year to “discourage shoppers” from purchasing goods on Black Friday is merely one robust example.

Then there were the reprehensible attempts on the West Coast to collapse shipping ports, which, in effect, not only impeded on workers’ rights to be productive, while simultaneously risking driving up the price of goods. But it had real potential to hurt innocent consumers — particularly the poor.  Such an irresponsible scheme could have also, quite conceivably, inhibited entire small working-class towns economically dependent on the transportation of commodities and merchandise goods.

Do these tactics sound hospitable to free market ideals and the working class? Do these strategies in any way, shape, or form, relate to corporatism or the need to reform private sector governmental meddling? According to AP estimates earlier this year, Occupy has cost American taxpayers more than $13 million spanning 18 U.S. cities. In New York alone, the first three weeks of Occupy protests cost New York taxpayers $2 million.

For most U.S cities, though, the rising financial burden of these politically contrived demonstrations is merely one concern. There is growing trepidation that public safety in neighborhoods surrounding the chaotic protests is being severely compromised as well.  For example, during the protests in Portland (my hometown), many officers had to be pulled from their regular patrols — often in lower income neighborhoods — in order to help maintain civility downtown, in turn, again, hurting the poor. Then there are the encampments in Washington DC, which have not become home to rational dialogue, but rather thousands of rats (as if DC didn’t already have enough of them).

Most certainly, convincing Occupy protesters that their dance with self-importance has marred the working class more than it has facilitated would be a futile and ineffectual deed. Not because the task couldn’t be accomplished, but rather because the authentic interests of most Occupy protesters were never sympathetic to the working-class to begin with. Instead, Occupy has been, and continues to be, a celebratory cluster of indolence, self-gratification and unenlightened rebellion. A campaign the genuine 99 percent, to be frank, can’t wait to expire.

Written by Brandon Loran Maxwell. This blog post originally appeared at StudentsForLiberty.org.

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Monday, May 23, 2011

Book Review: "Mao's Great Famine" by Frank Dikötter

In an effort to better understand the mindset of those who espouse compulsory collectivism, I recently picked up “Mao’s Great Famine” by Frank Dikötter, Chair Professor of Humanities at the University of Hong Kong and Professor of the Modern History of China on leave from the University of London. The book is roughly 448 pages, and fairly new (printed September of last year).

In the book, Dikötter takes great stride to expose the horrific reality behind one of China’s most devastating periods known as the Great Leap Forward, not by second-hand accounts, but rather statistics compiled by the architect himself, Mao Zedong. In fact, Dikötter’s sources stem from thousands of People’s Republic of China (PRC) documents made available by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Beijing, along with other large provincial collections taken from Hebei, Shandong, and Gansu. And while Dikötter’s book does touch briefly on the years leading up to Mao’s infamous Great Leap Forward, the bulk of information primary centers on the years between 1958 and 1962, when the Great Leap Forward was in full swing.

As Dikötter points out, Mao’s obsession to surpass Britain in economic production “within fifteen years” played a key role in spawning the Great Leap Forward and, in many respects, was a direct result of Mao’s years of disillusionment with playing second-fiddle to Russia’s Joseph Stalin and Nikita Khrushchev. In essence, Mao desired for China to become a respected military and economic power.

One of Mao’s most ambitious goals during the Great Leap Forward was to create a new massive water-conservancy program which would serve to irrigate as much land as possible by essentially creating a new highly complex “water-highway” that spanned across whole towns and mountains. During this period, more than 30 million people (1 in 6 Chinese) were made to work and dig in the countryside, resulting in more than 2,400 deaths by 1962 when the project was abandoned altogether.

During this same period, pots and pans were confiscated and melted in order to increase China’s steel output. Livestock was also confiscated, and roughly 40 percent of all homes were pulled down in order to create canteens and straighter roads, subsequently leaving thousands of people to wander and fend for themselves. Many took refuge in caves, while others simply froze or starved to death.

According to Dikötter’s estimates, the total loss of life under Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward is somewhere around 45 million (original estimates ranged between 15 and 32 million deaths). And though much peril can indeed be attributed to famine, Dikötter concludes through PRC party documents that roughly 2.5 million deaths (6 to 8 percent of total deaths) can in fact be attributed directly to murder and torture, fundamentally proving that much of China’s suffering was not “an unattended consequence of half-baked and poorly executed economic programs” as some may describe it, but rather a vicious and selfish systematic despotism executed by a megalomaniac under the guise of “radical collectivism” and Chinese nationalism.

It would be impossible for me to cover every aspect of Mao’s Great Leap Forward or the economic devastation that ironically ensued in such a limited amount of space, but for those interested in a well thought out, detailed and statistically backed account of the turbulent, heartbreaking years that plagued an otherwise beautiful people between 1958 and 1962, Dikötter’s portrayal is superb. And while he may not leave much guessing as to where he personally stands on Mao Zedong as a ruler -- numbers and statistics don’t lie, and Dikötter rarely, if at all, imposes himself as an author without supporting evidence.

Overall, “Mao’s Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-1962” is a great read for political, economic and history students alike, and is loaded with hard statistical data deriving from a wealth of sources, all neatly organized and cited in bibliographical format at the back of the book. And though the book, despite its long length, only covers 4 years of a country that arguably spans thousands of years, there are indeed a number of very worthwhile lessons to be taken from this brief, but tragic period.

I recommend it.

Written by Brandon Loran Maxwell.
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